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Qishloq xo'jaligi qonun loyihasida nima xato

Qishloq xo'jaligi qonun loyihasida nima xato


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Oziq -ovqat - biz har kuni iste'mol qiladigan narsamiz va u har xil ko'rinishda bo'ladi: zavq, zarurat, hushyorlik. Ovqatni yaxshi ko'radigan ko'p odamlar bu haqda har xil fikrda; uni qanday pishirish kerak, uni qayerdan olish kerak va kim uni yaxshiroq tayyorlaydi. Ammo kecha Marion Nestl Nyu -Yorkdagi Global Gateway va Mahalliy Aloqalar: Shaharlar, Qishloq xo'jaligi va Oziq -ovqat tizimlarining kelajagi konferentsiyasi ishtirokchilariga murojaatida ta'kidlaganidek, ko'pchilik uning qaerdan boshlanishi haqida o'ylamaydi. Qishloq xo'jaligi, tan oldi Nestle olomonga, bizning mamlakatimiz e'tiboridan chetda qoldiradigan narsa (hatto 80 -yillarning oxirlarida o'qishni boshlaganida ham), lekin bunga e'tibor qaratish vaqti keldi.

Ajablanarlisi shundaki, uning ma'ruzasidan bir necha soat oldin Senat ikki yillik qo'llab-quvvatlashga ega bo'lgan besh yillik, 500 milliard dollarlik fermer xo'jalik hisobini qabul qildi, bu Nestlning manzilini hamma uchun muhimroq va o'z vaqtida eshitildi. 1000 sahifali hujjat qishloq xo'jaligiga qaratilgan bo'lib, har qanday oddiy fuqaro tushunolmaydigan yuzlab dasturlar, bayonotlar va bandlar bilan to'ldirilgan, lekin, eng qizig'i, butun mamlakatga kerak bo'lgan narsaga katta ta'sir ko'rsatadi. sevadi va zavqlanadi: ovqat.

Fermer xo'jaliklari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi mamlakatimiz hukumati tomonidan 1930 -yillarda, depressiya dehqonlar va ularning moliyaviy ahvoliga jiddiy ta'sir ko'rsatgan bir paytda yaratilgan. Dehqonlarni himoya qilish maqsadida hukumat Kongress qo'mitalari, qishloq xo'jaligi korxonalari va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Qishloq xo'jaligi vazirligi bilan qo'llab-quvvatlash tizimini yaratdi, natijada mamlakat qishloq xo'jaligining barcha o'lchamlari va ko'lamlarini qamrab oladigan muhim qonunlar qabul qilindi. va oddiy so'z bilan aytganda, ovqat. Nestle uchun fermer xo'jaliklarining ideal hisob -kitobi hamma uchun arzon oziq -ovqat beradi, har kimga munosib hayot kechirishga yordam beradi, mahalliy va barqaror oziq -ovqat tizimini, adolatli savdoni, tabiiy resurslarni himoya qilishni va eng muhimi sog'lom ovqatlanishni rag'batlantiradi. Kecha u nimani tushuntirdi va agar siz buni tushuna olsangiz, nimani bilib olasiz, bu hech narsaga yaqin emas.

Nestle 20 -asrning boshlarida dehqonchilikni "katta bo'l yoki chiqib ket" deb ta'riflagan, bu vaqtda ekinlar soni kamayib, hosildorlik oshgan. Bu mega-qishloq xo'jaligi korxonalari kichik dehqonchilik uchun kam imkoniyat yaratib, sog'liqni saqlash va maxsus ekinlar turlarini aholi qo'lidan olib, mamlakatni ortda qoldira boshlagan payt edi. Bugungi kunda mamlakatimizda dehqonchilikning ta'rifida Nestle makkajo'xori va soya kabi ekinlarning ko'pligini, sutli dehqonchilikning salbiy ta'sirini, etishtiriladigan meva va sabzavotlarning cheklangan miqdorini, etanol ishlab chiqarishni va butun dunyoda asosiy oqibatlari "bor.

Nestle, fermer xo'jaliklari hisobi, afsuski, bunday harakat bilan chambarchas bog'liqligini va katta, intensiv qishloq xo'jaligi va ortiqcha ishlab chiqarishni qo'llab-quvvatlashini ta'kidladi. Fermer xo'jaliklarining hisob -kitobi o'zining zararli ta'siridan tashqari, boshqa joylarda ham qon ketmoqda. Nestle tushuntirganidek, ulkan hujjat "ulkan", tushuntirish qiyin va son -sanoqsiz har xil daqiqali va murakkab dasturlarni o'z ichiga oladi. U hatto qonun loyihasining bema'ni va g'alati qismlarini ko'rsatishga vaqt ajratdi, masalan, uy hayvonlarini ishga olib kirishga majbur bo'lgan televizor va kino qo'shimchalari ma'lum qoidalarga bo'ysunmaydi (bu, ovqat bilan hech qanday aloqasi yo'q). ) va Mudofaa vazirligi chavandozlarining byudjetni qisqartirish to'g'risidagi tuzatishlari (Mudofaa vazirligi u erga qanday kirdi?). U qonun loyihasi "tubdan demokratik emas" deb aytdi va afsuski, nafaqat mamlakatimiz dehqonchiligida, balki xalq sog'lig'ida ham katta rol o'ynaydi. Uning katta korxonalarga qaratilishi va maxsus ekinlarni qo'llab -quvvatlashi kaloriyalarning ortiqcha ishlab chiqarilishi va biz uchun foydali bo'lgan oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining cheklanganligi bilan bevosita bog'liqdir.

Nestle uchun javob oson: u bizning qishloq xo'jaligi siyosati va sog'liqni saqlash siyosatimiz bir -biri bilan chambarchas bog'liq bo'lishini xohlaydi. Semizlik kabi ko'plab sog'liq muammolarimiz bitta muhim omil bilan boshlanadi: oziq -ovqat qishloq xo'jaligidan boshlanadi va shuning uchun fermer xo'jaliklari hisobida ko'rib chiqilishi kerak. Bunday ulkan qog'oz mamlakatimiz va uning salomatligi uchun juda katta rol o'ynaydi deb o'ylash qo'rqinchli. Nestle "vilkalar bilan ovoz berishni" boshlash vaqti kelganini aytdi va bizdan fermer xo'jaliklari hisobini tuzatishimizni so'radi. Bu harakat oshpaz uchun yanada muhimroqdir. Ovqat pishirishda ishlatiladigan eng muhim vosita va uni qayerdan olish mumkin, hammasi xo'jalik hisobiga va u nimani boshqarishiga bog'liq.

Ovqatlanish uchun o'tirganingizda yoki qovurilgan idishda bir parcha sariyog'ini eritganingizda, qonun yoki hukumat haqida necha marta o'ylab ko'rganmisiz? Sizda bormi yoki yo'qmi, Nestle hozir sizdan so'raydi.

Qishloq xo'jaligi hisobi va unga qanday qo'shilish haqida ko'proq ma'lumot olish uchun Nestle veb -saytiga tashrif buyuring Oziq -ovqat siyosati.

Enn Dolce Daily Meal -da oshpaz muharriri. Uni Twitterda kuzatib boring @anniecdolce


Qishloq xo'jaligi qonunlarida ularni munozarali qiladigan narsa nima?

Minglab fermerlar Dehli chegara punktlarida, 30 dan ortiq dehqon uyushmalari bilan ajitatsiyani kuchaytirish bilan tahdid qiladilar butun mamlakat bo'ylab, agar hukumat uchta xo'jalik hisobini qaytarib olmasa. Ularning ta'siri shimoliy Panjob, Xaryana va Uttar -Pradesh shtatlarida cheklangan ko'rinadi, lekin qo'zg'olonchi dehqonlarga siyosiy yordam ko'rsatildi barcha muxolif partiyalar va ular boshqaradigan shtatlardan.

Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, fermerlar uyushmalarida yoriqlar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, agar hukumat Minimal Qo'llab -quvvatlash Narxi (MSP) fermer xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini sotib olishning minimal narxini belgilasa, norozilik namoyishini to'xtatish g'oyasi ochiq. Boshqa tomondan, boshqa fermer uyushmalari ham bor hukumatga keng ko'lamli yordam sentyabr oyida parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan uchta xo'jalik qonunini ma'qulladi. Fermerlar uyushmalari va hukumat o'rtasidagi muzokaralar tanglikni hal qila olmadilar.

Bu xo'jalik qonunlari nima va ular nimani nazarda tutadi?

Bu qonunlar - Fermerlar ishlab chiqaradigan savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va ko'maklashish) qonuni, fermerlar (vakolatlarini kuchaytirish va himoya qilish) narxlari kafolati va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun va asosiy tovar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun. Ular birinchi marta iyun oyida uchta farmon sifatida kelishgan va musson sessiyasi paytida ovoz berish yo'li bilan parlament tomonidan tasdiqlangan.

The Fermerlarning mahsuloti savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va yordam) to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga o'z qishloq xo'jalik mahsulotlarini Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlari bozori qo'mitalari tashqarisida sotish imkonini beradigan mexanizmni yaratishni nazarda tutadi. Har qanday litsenziya egasi fermerlardan mahsulotni o'zaro kelishilgan narxlarda sotib olishi mumkin. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarining bu savdosi shtat hukumatlari tomonidan belgilanadigan soliqlardan ozod bo'ladi.

The Fermerlar (imkoniyatlar va himoya) Narxlarni kafolatlash va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga shartnoma bo'yicha dehqonchilik qilish va o'z mahsulotlarini erkin sotish imkonini beradi.

The Muhim tovarlar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun bu amaldagi asosiy tovarlar to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirish. Bu qonun endilikda favqulodda vaziyatlardan tashqari, oziq -ovqat donalari, dukkakli ekinlar, yog'li yog'lar va piyoz kabi mahsulotlarni savdo uchun ozod qiladi.

Hukumat bu qonunlarni 1991 yil Hindiston iqtisodiyotining globallashuv bozorlari bilan bog'lanishiga o'xshash islohotlar sifatida taqdim etdi. Bu uchta qonun fermerlar uchun yangi imkoniyatlarni ochib beradi, ular o'z fermalaridan ko'proq daromad olishlari mumkin.

Hukumat yangi qonunlar xususiy sarmoyalar orqali fermer xo'jaliklarining asosiy infratuzilmasini mustahkamlashga yordam berishini aytdi. Ketma -ket hukumatlar fermer xo'jaliklari va qishloq infratuzilmasiga sarmoya kiritishda moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Oziq -ovqat bozorlari Hindistonda jadal o'sib borayotgani sababli, xususiy o'yinchilar qishloq xo'jaligini dehqonlar uchun daromadli qilishiga ishonishadi.

Ammo fermerlar MSP kafolatidan xavotirda.

MSP kafolati fermerlarning noroziligining asosiy nuqtasi bo'lib chiqdi. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini APMC tashqarisida sotishga ruxsat berish, davlat idoralari tomonidan tasdiqlangan mandisda kamroq sotib olinishiga olib keladi, degan fermerlar orasida qo'rquv bor.

Namoyishchi dehqonlarning aytishicha, yangi qonunlar MSP tizimini ahamiyatsiz qiladi va ular o'z dehqonchiligidan kafolatlangan daromadga ega bo'lmaydi. Hozirda hukumat yigirmaga yaqin ekinlar uchun belgilangan MSP e'lon qiladi. Biroq, sholg'om, bug'doy va ba'zi dukkakli ekinlar davlat idoralari tomonidan APMC mandisida sotib olinadi.

MSP tizimining ishlashi shu yillar davomida shunday bo'lganki, u butun Hindiston darajasidagi fermerlarning bir nechtasiga foyda keltiradi. 2015 yilda Narendra Modi hukumati tomonidan tuzilgan Shanta Kumar qo'mitasi fermerlarning atigi olti foizi MSP rejimidan foyda ko'rishini aytdi.

Aniq narsa shundaki, Panjob va Xaryana kabi ba'zi shtatlar fermerlari uchun MSP tizimi yaxshi ishlagan. Bu ikki davlatda sholi va bug'doy sotib olish 75-80 foiz atrofida.

Shunday qilib, yangi fermer xo'jaliklari to'g'risidagi qonunlar qabul qilinganidan keyin MSP tizimi qulab tushishi va buzilishi mumkinligidan qo'rqish Panjob va Xaryana dehqonlari uchun juda hayajonli masalaga aylandi. Va shuning uchun ham ular fermer xo'jaliklari qonunlariga norozilik bildiradilar va MSPni APMC uchun ham, xususiy mandis uchun ham majburiy qilishni talab qiladilar.

Hukumat nima uchun rad javobini berdi?

MSP tizimi siyosiy jihatdan sezgir va moliyaviy jihatdan hukumat uchun qulay emas. Ba'zi iqtisodchilar Hindistonning MSP tizimini dunyodagi eng qimmat davlat oziq -ovqat xarid qilish dasturlaridan biri deb atashdi.

Mamlakat bo'ylab 7000 ga yaqin APMC mandislari mavjud bo'lib, ulardan davlat idoralari, shu jumladan Hindiston oziq -ovqat korporatsiyasi (FCI) fermasi ishlab chiqaradi. Biroq, amaliy ma'noda, faqat sholi va bug'doyni FCI va boshqa idoralar mablag 'talabi uchun sotib oladilar. FCI bu oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini kambag'allik darajasidan past oilalarga sotish uchun tarqatish tizimi (PDS) orqali imtiyozli narxda sotadi. Bu yo'qotish yoki farovonlikka yo'naltirilgan amaliyot.

MSPlar doimiy ravishda o'sib bordi, chunki FCI fermer xo'jaliklari uchun ko'proq to'laydi va ko'proq zarar ko'radi, chunki PDS stavkalari deyarli o'zgarmaydi. FCI xudojo'ylari ortib borayotgan xaridlar oshib bormoqda va MSP ko'tarilishi shuni anglatadiki, FCI o'z aktsiyalarini xalqaro bozorda foyda bilan sota olmaydi. Hukumat FCI zararini qoplaydi va ba'zida shartnoma bo'yicha ba'zi mamlakatlarga oziq -ovqat donalarini sotadi.

Hukumatning MSP tizimida oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining ko'payishi yillik byudjetdagi byudjet taqchilligiga bosim o'tkazadi. Bu har bir hukumatning so'nggi bir necha yil ichida chiqish yo'lini topishga urinishining sababi.

Ba'zi shtatlar fermer xo'jaliklarining yangi qonunlaridan norozi, chunki bu ularga qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini me'yoridan tashqari sotishdan yig'im olish huquqini bermaydi. Turli shtatlarda to'lov 1-2 foizdan 8-9 foizgacha o'zgarib turadi, bu ular daromad yig'ish manbalarining cheklanganligini va ularning xarajatlar ehtiyojlarini qondirish markaziga juda bog'liqligini ta'kidlaydi. Bu nima uchun shtatlar, ayniqsa muxolifat partiyalari tomonidan boshqariladigan davlatlar, fermerlarning yangi fermerlik qonunlariga noroziligini qo'llab -quvvatlayotganini tushuntiradi.


Qishloq xo'jaligi qonunlarida ularni munozarali qiladigan narsa nima?

Minglab fermerlar Dehli chegara punktlarida, 30 dan ortiq dehqon uyushmalari bilan ajitatsiyani kuchaytirish bilan tahdid qiladilar butun mamlakat bo'ylab, agar hukumat uchta xo'jalik hisobini qaytarib olmasa. Ularning ta'siri shimoliy Panjob, Xaryana va Uttar -Pradesh shtatlarida cheklangan ko'rinadi, lekin qo'zg'olonchi dehqonlarga siyosiy yordam ko'rsatildi barcha muxolif partiyalar va ular boshqaradigan shtatlardan.

Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, fermerlar uyushmalarida yoriqlar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, agar hukumat Minimal Qo'llab -quvvatlash Narxi (MSP) fermer xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini sotib olishning minimal narxini belgilasa, norozilik namoyishini to'xtatish g'oyasi ochiq. Boshqa tomondan, boshqa fermer uyushmalari ham bor hukumatga keng ko'lamli yordam sentyabr oyida parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan uchta xo'jalik qonunini ma'qulladi. Fermerlar uyushmalari va hukumat o'rtasidagi muzokaralar tanglikni hal qila olmadilar.

Bu xo'jalik qonunlari nima va ular nimani nazarda tutadi?

Bu qonunlar - Fermerlar ishlab chiqaradigan savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va ko'maklashish) qonuni, fermerlar (vakolatlarini kuchaytirish va himoya qilish) narxlari kafolati va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun va asosiy tovar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun. Ular birinchi marta iyun oyida uchta farmon sifatida kelishgan va musson sessiyasi paytida ovoz berish yo'li bilan parlament tomonidan tasdiqlangan.

The Fermerlarning mahsuloti savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va yordam) to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga o'z qishloq xo'jalik mahsulotlarini Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlari bozori qo'mitalari tashqarisida sotish imkonini beradigan mexanizmni yaratishni nazarda tutadi. Har qanday litsenziya egasi fermerlardan mahsulotni o'zaro kelishilgan narxlarda sotib olishi mumkin. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarining bu savdosi shtat hukumatlari tomonidan belgilanadigan soliqlardan ozod bo'ladi.

The Fermerlar (imkoniyatlar va himoya) Narxlarni kafolatlash va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga shartnoma bo'yicha dehqonchilik qilish va o'z mahsulotlarini erkin sotish imkonini beradi.

The Muhim tovarlar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun bu amaldagi asosiy tovarlar to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirish. Bu qonun endilikda favqulodda vaziyatlardan tashqari, oziq -ovqat donalari, dukkakli ekinlar, yog'li yog'lar va piyoz kabi mahsulotlarni savdo uchun ozod qiladi.

Hukumat bu qonunlarni 1991 yil Hindiston iqtisodiyotining globallashuv bozorlari bilan bog'lanishiga o'xshash islohotlar sifatida taqdim etdi. Bu uchta qonun fermerlar uchun yangi imkoniyatlarni ochib beradi, ular o'z fermalaridan ko'proq daromad olishlari mumkin.

Hukumat yangi qonunlar xususiy sarmoyalar orqali fermer xo'jaliklarining asosiy infratuzilmasini mustahkamlashga yordam berishini aytdi. Ketma -ket hukumatlar fermer xo'jaliklari va qishloq infratuzilmasiga sarmoya kiritishda moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Oziq -ovqat bozorlari Hindistonda jadal o'sib borayotgani sababli, xususiy o'yinchilar qishloq xo'jaligini dehqonlar uchun daromadli qilishiga ishonishadi.

Ammo fermerlar MSP kafolatidan xavotirda.

MSP kafolati fermerlarning noroziligining asosiy nuqtasi bo'lib chiqdi. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini APMC tashqarisida sotishga ruxsat berish, davlat idoralari tomonidan tasdiqlangan mandisda kamroq sotib olinishiga olib keladi, degan fermerlar orasida qo'rquv bor.

Namoyishchi dehqonlarning aytishicha, yangi qonunlar MSP tizimini ahamiyatsiz qiladi va ular o'z dehqonchiligidan kafolatlangan daromadga ega bo'lmaydi. Hozirda hukumat yigirmaga yaqin ekinlar uchun belgilangan MSP e'lon qiladi. Biroq, sholg'om, bug'doy va ba'zi dukkakli ekinlar davlat idoralari tomonidan APMC mandisida sotib olinadi.

MSP tizimining ishlashi shu yillar davomida shunday bo'lganki, u butun Hindiston darajasidagi fermerlarning bir nechtasiga foyda keltiradi. 2015 yilda Narendra Modi hukumati tomonidan tuzilgan Shanta Kumar qo'mitasi fermerlarning atigi olti foizi MSP rejimidan foyda ko'rishini aytdi.

Aniq narsa shundaki, Panjob va Xaryana kabi ba'zi shtatlar fermerlari uchun MSP tizimi yaxshi ishlagan. Bu ikki davlatda sholi va bug'doy sotib olish 75-80 foiz atrofida.

Shunday qilib, yangi fermer xo'jaliklari to'g'risidagi qonunlar qabul qilinganidan keyin MSP tizimi qulab tushishi va buzilishi mumkinligidan qo'rqish Panjob va Xaryana dehqonlari uchun juda hayajonli masalaga aylandi. Va shuning uchun ham ular fermer xo'jaliklari qonunlariga norozilik bildiradilar va MSPni APMC uchun ham, xususiy mandis uchun ham majburiy qilishni talab qiladilar.

Hukumat nima uchun rad javobini berdi?

MSP tizimi siyosiy jihatdan sezgir va moliyaviy jihatdan hukumat uchun qulay emas. Ba'zi iqtisodchilar Hindistonning MSP tizimini dunyodagi eng qimmat davlat oziq -ovqat xarid qilish dasturlaridan biri deb atashdi.

Mamlakat bo'ylab 7000 ga yaqin APMC mandislari mavjud bo'lib, ulardan davlat idoralari, shu jumladan Hindiston oziq -ovqat korporatsiyasi (FCI) fermasi ishlab chiqaradi. Biroq, amaliy ma'noda, faqat sholi va bug'doyni FCI va boshqa idoralar mablag 'talabi uchun sotib oladilar. FCI bu oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini kambag'allik darajasidan past oilalarga sotish uchun tarqatish tizimi (PDS) orqali imtiyozli narxda sotadi. Bu yo'qotish yoki farovonlikka yo'naltirilgan amaliyot.

MSPlar doimiy ravishda o'sib bordi, chunki FCI fermer xo'jaliklari uchun ko'proq to'laydi va ko'proq zarar ko'radi, chunki PDS stavkalari deyarli o'zgarmaydi. FCI xudojo'ylari ortib borayotgan xaridlar oshib bormoqda va MSP ko'tarilishi shuni anglatadiki, FCI o'z aktsiyalarini xalqaro bozorda foyda bilan sota olmaydi. Hukumat FCI zararini qoplaydi va ba'zida shartnoma bo'yicha ba'zi mamlakatlarga oziq -ovqat donalarini sotadi.

Hukumatning MSP tizimida oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining ko'payishi yillik byudjetdagi byudjet taqchilligiga bosim o'tkazadi. Bu har bir hukumatning so'nggi bir necha yil ichida chiqish yo'lini topishga urinishining sababi.

Ba'zi shtatlar fermer xo'jaliklarining yangi qonunlaridan norozi, chunki bu ularga qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini me'yoridan tashqari sotishdan yig'im olish huquqini bermaydi. Turli shtatlarda to'lov 1-2 foizdan 8-9 foizgacha o'zgarib turadi, bu ular daromad yig'ish manbalarining cheklanganligini va ularning xarajatlar ehtiyojlarini qondirish markaziga juda bog'liqligini ta'kidlaydi. Bu nima uchun shtatlar, ayniqsa muxolifat partiyalari tomonidan boshqariladigan davlatlar, fermerlarning yangi fermerlik qonunlariga noroziligini qo'llab -quvvatlayotganini tushuntiradi.


Qishloq xo'jaligi qonunlarida ularni munozarali qiladigan narsa nima?

Minglab fermerlar Dehli chegara punktlarida, 30 dan ortiq dehqon uyushmalari bilan ajitatsiyani kuchaytirish bilan tahdid qiladilar butun mamlakat bo'ylab, agar hukumat uchta xo'jalik hisobini qaytarib olmasa. Ularning ta'siri shimoliy Panjob, Xaryana va Uttar -Pradesh shtatlarida cheklangan ko'rinadi, lekin qo'zg'olonchi dehqonlarga siyosiy yordam ko'rsatildi barcha muxolif partiyalar va ular boshqaradigan shtatlardan.

Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, fermerlar uyushmalarida yoriqlar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, agar hukumat Minimal Qo'llab -quvvatlash Narxi (MSP) fermer xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini sotib olishning minimal narxini belgilasa, norozilik namoyishini to'xtatish g'oyasi ochiq. Boshqa tomondan, boshqa fermer uyushmalari ham bor hukumatga keng ko'lamli yordam sentyabr oyida parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan uchta xo'jalik qonunini ma'qulladi. Fermerlar uyushmalari va hukumat o'rtasidagi muzokaralar tanglikni hal qila olmadilar.

Bu xo'jalik qonunlari nima va ular nimani nazarda tutadi?

Bu qonunlar - Fermerlar ishlab chiqaradigan savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va ko'maklashish) qonuni, fermerlar (vakolatlarini kuchaytirish va himoya qilish) narxlari kafolati va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun va asosiy tovar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun. Ular birinchi marta iyun oyida uchta farmon sifatida kelishgan va musson sessiyasi paytida ovoz berish yo'li bilan parlament tomonidan tasdiqlangan.

The Fermerlarning mahsuloti savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va yordam) to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga o'z qishloq xo'jalik mahsulotlarini Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlari bozori qo'mitalari tashqarisida sotish imkonini beradigan mexanizmni yaratishni nazarda tutadi. Har qanday litsenziya egasi fermerlardan mahsulotni o'zaro kelishilgan narxlarda sotib olishi mumkin. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarining bu savdosi shtat hukumatlari tomonidan belgilanadigan soliqlardan ozod bo'ladi.

The Fermerlar (imkoniyatlar va himoya) Narxlarni kafolatlash va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga shartnoma bo'yicha dehqonchilik qilish va o'z mahsulotlarini erkin sotish imkonini beradi.

The Muhim tovarlar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun bu amaldagi asosiy tovarlar to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirish. Bu qonun endilikda favqulodda vaziyatlardan tashqari, oziq -ovqat donalari, dukkakli ekinlar, yog'li yog'lar va piyoz kabi mahsulotlarni savdo uchun ozod qiladi.

Hukumat bu qonunlarni 1991 yil Hindiston iqtisodiyotining globallashuv bozorlari bilan bog'lanishiga o'xshash islohotlar sifatida taqdim etdi. Bu uchta qonun fermerlar uchun yangi imkoniyatlarni ochib beradi, ular o'z fermalaridan ko'proq daromad olishlari mumkin.

Hukumat yangi qonunlar xususiy sarmoyalar orqali fermer xo'jaliklarining asosiy infratuzilmasini mustahkamlashga yordam berishini aytdi. Ketma -ket hukumatlar fermer xo'jaliklari va qishloq infratuzilmasiga sarmoya kiritishda moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Oziq -ovqat bozorlari Hindistonda jadal o'sib borayotgani sababli, xususiy o'yinchilar qishloq xo'jaligini dehqonlar uchun daromadli qilishiga ishonishadi.

Ammo fermerlar MSP kafolatidan xavotirda.

MSP kafolati fermerlarning noroziligining asosiy nuqtasi bo'lib chiqdi. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini APMC tashqarisida sotishga ruxsat berish, davlat idoralari tomonidan tasdiqlangan mandisda kamroq sotib olinishiga olib keladi, degan fermerlar orasida qo'rquv bor.

Namoyishchi dehqonlarning aytishicha, yangi qonunlar MSP tizimini ahamiyatsiz qiladi va ular o'z dehqonchiligidan kafolatlangan daromadga ega bo'lmaydi. Hozirda hukumat yigirmaga yaqin ekinlar uchun belgilangan MSP e'lon qiladi. Biroq, sholg'om, bug'doy va ba'zi dukkakli ekinlar davlat idoralari tomonidan APMC mandisida sotib olinadi.

MSP tizimining ishlashi shu yillar davomida shunday bo'lganki, u butun Hindiston darajasidagi fermerlarning bir nechtasiga foyda keltiradi. 2015 yilda Narendra Modi hukumati tomonidan tuzilgan Shanta Kumar qo'mitasi fermerlarning atigi olti foizi MSP rejimidan foyda ko'rishini aytdi.

Aniq narsa shundaki, Panjob va Xaryana kabi ba'zi shtatlar fermerlari uchun MSP tizimi yaxshi ishlagan. Bu ikki davlatda sholi va bug'doy sotib olish 75-80 foiz atrofida.

Shunday qilib, yangi fermer xo'jaliklari to'g'risidagi qonunlar qabul qilinganidan keyin MSP tizimi qulab tushishi va buzilishi mumkinligidan qo'rqish Panjob va Xaryana dehqonlari uchun juda hayajonli masalaga aylandi. Va shuning uchun ham ular fermer xo'jaliklari qonunlariga norozilik bildiradilar va MSPni APMC uchun ham, xususiy mandis uchun ham majburiy qilishni talab qiladilar.

Hukumat nima uchun rad javobini berdi?

MSP tizimi siyosiy jihatdan sezgir va moliyaviy jihatdan hukumat uchun qulay emas. Ba'zi iqtisodchilar Hindistonning MSP tizimini dunyodagi eng qimmat davlat oziq -ovqat xarid qilish dasturlaridan biri deb atashdi.

Mamlakat bo'ylab 7000 ga yaqin APMC mandislari mavjud bo'lib, ulardan davlat idoralari, shu jumladan Hindiston oziq -ovqat korporatsiyasi (FCI) fermasi ishlab chiqaradi. Biroq, amaliy ma'noda, faqat sholi va bug'doyni FCI va boshqa idoralar mablag 'talabi uchun sotib oladilar. FCI bu oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini kambag'allik darajasidan past oilalarga sotish uchun tarqatish tizimi (PDS) orqali imtiyozli narxda sotadi. Bu yo'qotish yoki farovonlikka yo'naltirilgan amaliyot.

MSPlar doimiy ravishda o'sib bordi, chunki FCI fermer xo'jaliklari uchun ko'proq to'laydi va ko'proq zarar ko'radi, chunki PDS stavkalari deyarli o'zgarmaydi. FCI xudojo'ylari ortib borayotgan xaridlar oshib bormoqda va MSP ko'tarilishi shuni anglatadiki, FCI o'z aktsiyalarini xalqaro bozorda foyda bilan sota olmaydi. Hukumat FCI zararini qoplaydi va ba'zida shartnoma bo'yicha ba'zi mamlakatlarga oziq -ovqat donalarini sotadi.

Hukumatning MSP tizimida oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining ko'payishi yillik byudjetdagi byudjet taqchilligiga bosim o'tkazadi. Bu har bir hukumatning so'nggi bir necha yil ichida chiqish yo'lini topishga urinishining sababi.

Ba'zi shtatlar fermer xo'jaliklarining yangi qonunlaridan norozi, chunki bu ularga qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini me'yoridan tashqari sotishdan yig'im olish huquqini bermaydi. Turli shtatlarda to'lov 1-2 foizdan 8-9 foizgacha o'zgarib turadi, bu ular daromad yig'ish manbalarining cheklanganligini va ularning xarajatlar ehtiyojlarini qondirish markaziga juda bog'liqligini ta'kidlaydi. Bu nima uchun shtatlar, ayniqsa muxolifat partiyalari tomonidan boshqariladigan davlatlar, fermerlarning yangi fermerlik qonunlariga noroziligini qo'llab -quvvatlayotganini tushuntiradi.


Qishloq xo'jaligi qonunlarida ularni munozarali qiladigan narsa nima?

Minglab fermerlar Dehli chegara punktlarida, 30 dan ortiq dehqon uyushmalari bilan ajitatsiyani kuchaytirish bilan tahdid qiladilar butun mamlakat bo'ylab, agar hukumat uchta xo'jalik hisobini qaytarib olmasa. Ularning ta'siri shimoliy Panjob, Xaryana va Uttar -Pradesh shtatlarida cheklangan ko'rinadi, lekin qo'zg'olonchi dehqonlarga siyosiy yordam ko'rsatildi barcha muxolif partiyalar va ular boshqaradigan shtatlardan.

Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, fermerlar uyushmalarida yoriqlar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, agar hukumat Minimal Qo'llab -quvvatlash Narxi (MSP) fermer xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini sotib olishning minimal narxini belgilasa, norozilik namoyishini to'xtatish g'oyasi ochiq. Boshqa tomondan, boshqa fermer uyushmalari ham bor hukumatga keng ko'lamli yordam sentyabr oyida parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan uchta xo'jalik qonunini ma'qulladi. Fermerlar uyushmalari va hukumat o'rtasidagi muzokaralar tanglikni hal qila olmadilar.

Bu xo'jalik qonunlari nima va ular nimani nazarda tutadi?

Bu qonunlar - Fermerlar ishlab chiqaradigan savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va ko'maklashish) qonuni, fermerlar (vakolatlarini kuchaytirish va himoya qilish) narxlari kafolati va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun va asosiy tovar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun. Ular birinchi marta iyun oyida uchta farmon sifatida kelishgan va musson sessiyasi paytida ovoz berish yo'li bilan parlament tomonidan tasdiqlangan.

The Fermerlarning mahsuloti savdo va tijorat (targ'ibot va yordam) to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga o'z qishloq xo'jalik mahsulotlarini Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlari bozori qo'mitalari tashqarisida sotish imkonini beradigan mexanizmni yaratishni nazarda tutadi. Har qanday litsenziya egasi fermerlardan mahsulotni o'zaro kelishilgan narxlarda sotib olishi mumkin. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarining bu savdosi shtat hukumatlari tomonidan belgilanadigan soliqlardan ozod bo'ladi.

The Fermerlar (imkoniyatlar va himoya) Narxlarni kafolatlash va fermer xo'jaliklariga xizmat ko'rsatish to'g'risidagi qonun fermerlarga shartnoma bo'yicha dehqonchilik qilish va o'z mahsulotlarini erkin sotish imkonini beradi.

The Muhim tovarlar (o'zgartirish) to'g'risidagi qonun bu amaldagi asosiy tovarlar to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirish. Bu qonun endilikda favqulodda vaziyatlardan tashqari, oziq -ovqat donalari, dukkakli ekinlar, yog'li yog'lar va piyoz kabi mahsulotlarni savdo uchun ozod qiladi.

Hukumat bu qonunlarni 1991 yil Hindiston iqtisodiyotining globallashuv bozorlari bilan bog'lanishiga o'xshash islohotlar sifatida taqdim etdi. Bu uchta qonun fermerlar uchun yangi imkoniyatlarni ochib beradi, ular o'z fermalaridan ko'proq daromad olishlari mumkin.

Hukumat yangi qonunlar xususiy sarmoyalar orqali fermer xo'jaliklarining asosiy infratuzilmasini mustahkamlashga yordam berishini aytdi. Ketma -ket hukumatlar fermer xo'jaliklari va qishloq infratuzilmasiga sarmoya kiritishda moliyaviy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Oziq -ovqat bozorlari Hindistonda jadal o'sib borayotgani sababli, xususiy o'yinchilar qishloq xo'jaligini dehqonlar uchun daromadli qilishiga ishonishadi.

Ammo fermerlar MSP kafolatidan xavotirda.

MSP kafolati fermerlarning noroziligining asosiy nuqtasi bo'lib chiqdi. Qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini APMC tashqarisida sotishga ruxsat berish, davlat idoralari tomonidan tasdiqlangan mandisda kamroq sotib olinishiga olib keladi, degan fermerlar orasida qo'rquv bor.

Namoyishchi dehqonlarning aytishicha, yangi qonunlar MSP tizimini ahamiyatsiz qiladi va ular o'z dehqonchiligidan kafolatlangan daromadga ega bo'lmaydi. Hozirda hukumat yigirmaga yaqin ekinlar uchun belgilangan MSP e'lon qiladi. Biroq, sholg'om, bug'doy va ba'zi dukkakli ekinlar davlat idoralari tomonidan APMC mandisida sotib olinadi.

MSP tizimining ishlashi shu yillar davomida shunday bo'lganki, u butun Hindiston darajasidagi fermerlarning bir nechtasiga foyda keltiradi. 2015 yilda Narendra Modi hukumati tomonidan tuzilgan Shanta Kumar qo'mitasi fermerlarning atigi olti foizi MSP rejimidan foyda ko'rishini aytdi.

Aniq narsa shundaki, Panjob va Xaryana kabi ba'zi shtatlar fermerlari uchun MSP tizimi yaxshi ishlagan. Bu ikki davlatda sholi va bug'doy sotib olish 75-80 foiz atrofida.

Shunday qilib, yangi fermer xo'jaliklari to'g'risidagi qonunlar qabul qilinganidan keyin MSP tizimi qulab tushishi va buzilishi mumkinligidan qo'rqish Panjob va Xaryana dehqonlari uchun juda hayajonli masalaga aylandi. Va shuning uchun ham ular fermer xo'jaliklari qonunlariga norozilik bildiradilar va MSPni APMC uchun ham, xususiy mandis uchun ham majburiy qilishni talab qiladilar.

Hukumat nima uchun rad javobini berdi?

MSP tizimi siyosiy jihatdan sezgir va moliyaviy jihatdan hukumat uchun qulay emas. Ba'zi iqtisodchilar Hindistonning MSP tizimini dunyodagi eng qimmat davlat oziq -ovqat xarid qilish dasturlaridan biri deb atashdi.

Mamlakat bo'ylab 7000 ga yaqin APMC mandislari mavjud bo'lib, ulardan davlat idoralari, shu jumladan Hindiston oziq -ovqat korporatsiyasi (FCI) fermasi ishlab chiqaradi. Biroq, amaliy ma'noda, faqat sholi va bug'doyni FCI va boshqa idoralar mablag 'talabi uchun sotib oladilar. FCI bu oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini kambag'allik darajasidan past oilalarga sotish uchun tarqatish tizimi (PDS) orqali imtiyozli narxda sotadi. Bu yo'qotish yoki farovonlikka yo'naltirilgan amaliyot.

MSPlar doimiy ravishda o'sib bordi, chunki FCI fermer xo'jaliklari uchun ko'proq to'laydi va ko'proq zarar ko'radi, chunki PDS stavkalari deyarli o'zgarmaydi. FCI xudojo'ylari ortib borayotgan xaridlar oshib bormoqda va MSP ko'tarilishi shuni anglatadiki, FCI o'z aktsiyalarini xalqaro bozorda foyda bilan sota olmaydi. Hukumat FCI zararini qoplaydi va ba'zida shartnoma bo'yicha ba'zi mamlakatlarga oziq -ovqat donalarini sotadi.

Hukumatning MSP tizimida oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining ko'payishi yillik byudjetdagi byudjet taqchilligiga bosim o'tkazadi. Bu har bir hukumatning so'nggi bir necha yil ichida chiqish yo'lini topishga urinishining sababi.

Ba'zi shtatlar fermer xo'jaliklarining yangi qonunlaridan norozi, chunki bu ularga qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini me'yoridan tashqari sotishdan yig'im olish huquqini bermaydi. Turli shtatlarda to'lov 1-2 foizdan 8-9 foizgacha o'zgarib turadi, bu ular daromad yig'ish manbalarining cheklanganligini va ularning xarajatlar ehtiyojlarini qondirish markaziga juda bog'liqligini ta'kidlaydi. Bu nima uchun shtatlar, ayniqsa muxolifat partiyalari tomonidan boshqariladigan davlatlar, fermerlarning yangi fermerlik qonunlariga noroziligini qo'llab -quvvatlayotganini tushuntiradi.


Qishloq xo'jaligi qonunlarida ularni munozarali qiladigan narsa nima?

Minglab fermerlar Dehli chegara punktlarida, 30 dan ortiq dehqon uyushmalari bilan ajitatsiyani kuchaytirish bilan tahdid qiladilar butun mamlakat bo'ylab, agar hukumat uchta xo'jalik hisobini qaytarib olmasa. Ularning ta'siri shimoliy Panjob, Xaryana va Uttar -Pradesh shtatlarida cheklangan ko'rinadi, lekin qo'zg'olonchi dehqonlarga siyosiy yordam ko'rsatildi barcha muxolif partiyalar va ular boshqaradigan shtatlardan.

Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, fermerlar uyushmalarida yoriqlar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, agar hukumat Minimal Qo'llab -quvvatlash Narxi (MSP) fermer xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini sotib olishning minimal narxini belgilasa, norozilik namoyishini to'xtatish g'oyasi ochiq. Boshqa tomondan, boshqa fermer uyushmalari ham bor hukumatga keng ko'lamli yordam sentyabr oyida parlament tomonidan qabul qilingan uchta xo'jalik qonunini ma'qulladi. Fermerlar uyushmalari va hukumat o'rtasidagi muzokaralar tanglikni hal qila olmadilar.

Bu xo'jalik qonunlari nima va ular nimani nazarda tutadi?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


What is there in farm laws that make them so contentious?

Thousands of farmers are at the Delhi border points with over 30 farmers’ unions threatening to intensify their agitation across the country if the government does not recall the three farm bills. Though their impact appears to be limited in the northern states of Punjab, Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh mainly, the agitating farmers have received political support from all Opposition parties and the states ruled by them.

There are reports that there could be cracks appearing in the farmers’ unions with several factions open to the idea of calling off the protest if the government makes the Minimum Support Price (MSP) the minimum purchase price for the farm produce. On the other hand, there are other farmers’ unions which have extended support to the government favouring the three farm laws passed in September by Parliament. Talks between the farmers' unions and the government have failed to resolve the deadlock.

What are these farm laws and what they provide for?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


What is there in farm laws that make them so contentious?

Thousands of farmers are at the Delhi border points with over 30 farmers’ unions threatening to intensify their agitation across the country if the government does not recall the three farm bills. Though their impact appears to be limited in the northern states of Punjab, Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh mainly, the agitating farmers have received political support from all Opposition parties and the states ruled by them.

There are reports that there could be cracks appearing in the farmers’ unions with several factions open to the idea of calling off the protest if the government makes the Minimum Support Price (MSP) the minimum purchase price for the farm produce. On the other hand, there are other farmers’ unions which have extended support to the government favouring the three farm laws passed in September by Parliament. Talks between the farmers' unions and the government have failed to resolve the deadlock.

What are these farm laws and what they provide for?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


What is there in farm laws that make them so contentious?

Thousands of farmers are at the Delhi border points with over 30 farmers’ unions threatening to intensify their agitation across the country if the government does not recall the three farm bills. Though their impact appears to be limited in the northern states of Punjab, Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh mainly, the agitating farmers have received political support from all Opposition parties and the states ruled by them.

There are reports that there could be cracks appearing in the farmers’ unions with several factions open to the idea of calling off the protest if the government makes the Minimum Support Price (MSP) the minimum purchase price for the farm produce. On the other hand, there are other farmers’ unions which have extended support to the government favouring the three farm laws passed in September by Parliament. Talks between the farmers' unions and the government have failed to resolve the deadlock.

What are these farm laws and what they provide for?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


What is there in farm laws that make them so contentious?

Thousands of farmers are at the Delhi border points with over 30 farmers’ unions threatening to intensify their agitation across the country if the government does not recall the three farm bills. Though their impact appears to be limited in the northern states of Punjab, Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh mainly, the agitating farmers have received political support from all Opposition parties and the states ruled by them.

There are reports that there could be cracks appearing in the farmers’ unions with several factions open to the idea of calling off the protest if the government makes the Minimum Support Price (MSP) the minimum purchase price for the farm produce. On the other hand, there are other farmers’ unions which have extended support to the government favouring the three farm laws passed in September by Parliament. Talks between the farmers' unions and the government have failed to resolve the deadlock.

What are these farm laws and what they provide for?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


What is there in farm laws that make them so contentious?

Thousands of farmers are at the Delhi border points with over 30 farmers’ unions threatening to intensify their agitation across the country if the government does not recall the three farm bills. Though their impact appears to be limited in the northern states of Punjab, Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh mainly, the agitating farmers have received political support from all Opposition parties and the states ruled by them.

There are reports that there could be cracks appearing in the farmers’ unions with several factions open to the idea of calling off the protest if the government makes the Minimum Support Price (MSP) the minimum purchase price for the farm produce. On the other hand, there are other farmers’ unions which have extended support to the government favouring the three farm laws passed in September by Parliament. Talks between the farmers' unions and the government have failed to resolve the deadlock.

What are these farm laws and what they provide for?

These laws are -- The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act. They had first come in the month of June as the three Ordinances before being approved by Parliament during the Monsoon Session by a voice vote.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments.

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely.

The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations.

The government has presented these laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets. It has argued that the three laws open up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces.

The government has said the new laws will help to strengthen basic farm sector infrastructure through greater private investments. Successive governments have found financial constraints in investing in farm and rural infrastructure. It is argued that with food markets growing exponentially in India, private players would make agriculture profitable for the farmers.

But farmers are worried over MSP assurance.

The MSP assurance has emerged as the main sticking point in the farmers’ protest. There is an apprehension among the farmers that allowing outside-APMC trade of farm produces would lead to lesser buying by the government agencies in the approved mandis.

The protesting farmers say the new laws would thus make the MSP system irrelevant and they would not have any assured income from their farming. Right now, the government announces fixed MSP for around two dozen crops. However, paddy, wheat and some pulses are the ones that are procured by the government agencies at the APMC mandis.

The working of the MSP system has been such over the years that it benefits only a handful of farmers at all-India level. The Shanta Kumar committee set up by the Narendra Modi government in 2015 said only six per cent farmers benefit from the MSP regime.

The catch here is that for farmers of some states such as Punjab and Haryana, the MSP system has worked well. In these two states procurement of paddy and wheat range around 75-80 per cent.

So, the fear that the MSP system may crumble and get dismantled after the new farm laws are implement has become a very emotive issue for the farmers of Punjab and Haryana. And, that is why they are the ones who are most vocal in their protest against the farm laws and demanding that the MSP should be made mandatory for both APMC and private mandis.

Why is the government reluctant?

The MSP system is politically sensitive and financially unviable for the government. Some economists have called the MSP system of India one of the costliest government food procurement programmes in the world.

There are around 7,000 APMC mandis across the country from where the government agencies including the Food Corporation of India (FCI) purchase farm produces. However, in a practical sense, only the paddy and wheat are procured by the FCI and other agencies for the want of fund. The FCI sells these foodgrains to the Below Poverty Line (BPL) families through the Public Distribution System (PDS) at a concessionary rate. This is loss-making or welfare-oriented practice.

The MSPs have seen consistent increase making the FCI pay more for the farm produces and bear more losses as the PDS rates remain almost the same. Rising procurement by means the FCI godowns are overflowing, and rising MSP means that the FCI cannot sell its stocks in the international market at a profit. The government compensates the FCI for its losses, and at times sells foodgrains to some countries under an agreement.

The rising food bill under the existing MSP system of the government translates into pressure on the fiscal deficit in the annual budget. This is the reason why every government in the past several years has tried to find a way out.

Some states are unhappy with the new farm laws as it denies them the right to collect fees from outside-mandi trade of farm produces. The fee varies from 1-2 per cent to about 8-9 per cent in different states, which argue that they already have limited sources of revenue collection and are heavily dependent on the Centre for meeting their expenditure needs. This explains why states, particularly those ruled by the Opposition parties are supporter farmers’ protest over the new farm laws.


Videoni tomosha qiling: KOREYA QISHLOQ XOJALIGI TEXNIKALARI. КОРЕЯ КИШЛОК ХУЖАЛИГИ ТЕХНИКАЛАРИ (Yanvar 2023).